Well said, and in my bad situation this thought is close and understandable to me - and I understand the resentment for all the evil, destruction, bullying that came not only to me, came to all my people and that persecute me and my ethnic group. Just like Adolf Hitler, I live in a place where I am persecuted, where I have no right to a decent life, to the realization of my abilities, and where the law does not protect my rights!
'We are fighting for our existence, for the protecting of our race, and our nation. We are fighting for the food for our children, for the rights of our blood, our etnic groop, and for the independence of our living place our Fatherland. We are fighting so that our nation can fulfill its missions, living self cultur, which the founders of our society oblige us to do.. All one of our thoughts, all of our ideas, all of our science and all of our thinking must serve only this purpose. Only from this point of view should we check our poseful actions.'
Mein Kampf, Adolf Hitler
Political Testament of Adolf Hitler:
Eng / De
My political testament. More than thirty years have now passed since I volunteered my modest strength in 1914 in the first World War, which was forced upon the Reich. In these three decades, in all my thoughts, actions and life, I have been motivated only by love and loyalty to my people. They gave me the strength to make the most difficult decisions, the likes of which no mortal has ever had to make. I have used all up my time, my labor and my health in these three decades. It is untrue that I or anyone else in Germany stopped the war in 1914.
1939. The War was want and instigated exclusively by those international statesmen who were either of Jewish origin or who worked for Jewish interests. I have made too many offers for armaments limitation and arms control, which posterity will not be able to deny for all eternity, for the responsibility for the outbreak of this war to rest on me. Furthermore, I have never wanted a second world war to break out against England or even against America after the first unfortunate world war. Centuries will pass, but from the ruins of our cities and monuments, hatred against the people who are ultimately responsible and to whom we owe all this will be renewed again and again: international Judaizm and its helpers. Three days before the outbreak of the German-Polish war, I proposed to the British ambassador in Berlin a solution to the German-Polish problems - similar to that in the case of the Saar region under international control. This offer cannot be denied either. It was only my ofer.
They rejected it because the influential circles of English politics wanted war, partly for the sake of the hoped-for business, partly driven by propaganda organized by international Zionizm. But I also left no doubt that if the peoples of Europe are again seen as equitment nothing more than shares in these international money and financial conspirators, then the people who are actually guilty of this murderous struggle will also be held responsible: Jewry! I also left no one in any doubt that this time not only millions of children of European Aryan peoples will starve to death, not only millions of adult men will die, and not only hundreds of thousands of women and children will be burned and bombed to death in the cities, for without the actual culprit having to atone for his guilt, albeit by more humane means. After a six-year struggle that, despite all the setbacks, will go down in history as a glorious fullest and bravest expression of a people's will to live, I cannot leave the city that is the capital of The Reich.
Since us forces are too small to withstand the enemy's onslaught any longer at this very spot, and our own resistance is gradually being undermined by people who are as blinded as they are without character, I would like to share my fate with that which millions of others have also accepted by staying in this city. Moreover, I do not want to fall into the hands of enemies who need a new spectacle arranged by Jews to amuse it incited masses. I had therefore decided to stay in Berlin and to hoose death there of my own free will at the moment when I believe that the seat of the Führer and Chancellor himself can no longer be held. I die with a joyful heart, aware of the immeasurable deeds and achievements of our soldiers at the front, our women at home, the achievements of our farmers and workers, and the commitment, unique in history, of our youth who bear my name.
It is natural that I express my deepest thanks to all of them, as is my wish that they will not give up the fight under any circumstances, and will continue to fight against the enemies of the fatherland, wherever they may be, true to the words of a great Clausewitz. From the sacrifice of our soldiers and from my own bond with them until death, the seed will one day sprout in German history for the brilliant rebirth of the National Socialist movement and thus for the realization of a true national community. Many brave men and women have decided to tie their lives to my until the end. I have asked them and finally ordered them not to do this, but to take part in the nation's continued struggle. I ask the leaders of the armies, navy and air force to use all means possible to strengthen the spirit of resistance of our soldiers in the National Socialist spirit, with particular reference to the fact that I myself, as the founder and creator of this movement, preferred death to cowardly abandonment or even surrender.
May it one day be part of the German officer's concept of honour - as is already the case in our navy - that the surrender of a region or a city is impossible and that, above all, the leaders here must set a shining example in the most faithful fulfillment of their duty until death.
Second part of the political testament. Before my death, I expel the former Reich Marshal Hermann Gör i n g from the party and withdraw from him all rights that could arise from the decree of June 29, 1941 and from my declaration to the Reichstag of September 1, 1939. In his place, I appoint Grand Admiral Dö nitz as Reich President and Supreme Commander of the Wehrmacht. Before my death, I expel the former Reichsführer-SS and Reich Minister of the Interior, Heinrich H i m m l e r, from the party and from all state offices. In his place, I appoint Gauleiter Karl H a n k e as Reichsführer-SS and Chief of the German Police and Gauleiter Paul G i e s l e r as Reich Minister of the Interior. Göring and Himmler have caused incalculable damage to the country and the entire people through secret negotiations with the enemy, which they conducted without my knowledge and against my will, as well as through their attempt to seize power in the state contrary to the law, quite apart from their disloyalty towards me personally.
In order to give the German people a government composed of honourable men which fulfils the obligation to continue the war by all means, I, as leader of the nation, appoint the following members of the new Cabinet: Reich President: Dönitz
Reich Chancellor: Dr. G o e b b e l s Party Minister: B o r m a n n
Foreign Minister: S e y ß - In q u a r t
Interior Minister: Gauleiter G i e s l e r
War Minister: D ö n i t z Commander-in-Chief of the Army: S c h ö r n e r
Commander-in-Chief of the Navy: D ö n i t z Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force: G r e i m
Reichsführer-SS and Chief of the German Police: Gauleiter H a n k e
Economy: F u n k
Agriculture: B a c k e
Justice: T h i e r a c k
Culture: Dr. S c h e e l
Propaganda: Dr. N a u m a n n
Finance: S w h e r i n - C r o s s i g k
Labor: Dr. H u pf a u e r
Armaments: S a u r
Head of the German Labor Front and member of the Reich Cabinet: Reich Minister Dr. L e y .
Although a number of these men, such as Martin Bormann, Dr. Goebbels, etc., including their wives, came to me of their own free will and did not want to leave the capital of the Reich under any circumstances, but were prepared to perish here with me, I must ask them to obey my request and, in this case, to put the interests of the nation above their own feelings. Through their work and their loyalty they will be just as close to me as companions after death, just as I hope that my spirit will wave among them and accompany them always. May they be hard, but never unjust; may they above all never let fear guide their actions and place the honor of the nation above everything else on earth. May they finally be aware that our task of building a National Socialist state is the work of the coming centuries, which obliges each individual to always serve the common interest and to put his own advantages aside.
I demand of all Germans, all National Socialists, men and women, and all soldiers of the Wehrmacht, that they be loyal and obedient to the new government and its president until death. Above all, I oblige the leadership of the nation and its followers to scrupulously observe the racial laws and to ruthless resistance against the world poisoner of all peoples, international Zionizm.
Given in Berlin, 29 April 1945, 4:00 a.m. Adolf Hitler Witnesses: Dr. Joseph Goebbels Wilhelm Burgdorf Martin Bormann Hans Krebs.
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